Efnisyfirlit

• Cover Page
• Half Title page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• List of Contributors
• Preface
• 1 Creating urban space
• 2 Masters of space: the property development sector
• 2.1Development operations
• 2.1.1Peripheral expansion
• 2.1.2Internal modification
• 2.2Modelling development: a property ‘industry’?
• 2.3Development roles and relationships
• 2.3.1Developers (commercial capital)
• 2.3.2Landowners (landed capital)
• 2.3.3Development financiers (finance capital)
• 2.3.4Building contractors (industrial capital)
• 2.3.5Long-term investors (investment capital)
• 2.3.6 Tenants
• 2.4 Considerations
• 2.5 A profitable business?
• 2.6 The driving force: profit
• 2.6.1 Yields
• 2.6.2 Rents
• 2.7 Property cycles
• 2.7.1 Upturn and acceleration
• 2.7.2 Boom
• 2.7.3 Investment-driven development
• 2.7.4Over-supply
• 2.7.5Bust
• 2.7.6Consequences
• 2.8The impact of global capital flows
• 2.9The impact of development cycles
• 2.9.1The developer—landowner relationship
• 2.9.2The developer—financier relationship
• 2.9.3Relationship between the developer and construction interests
• 2.9.4The developer—investor relationship
• 2.10 Notes
• 3 Planning the city
• 3.1 Introduction
• 3.2 Urban planning as a state activity
• 3.3 Planning practice
• 3.4 Shaping the urban landscape: the genesis of urban planning
• 3.5Planning ideology
• 3.6Conceptions of the state and the role of urban planning
• 3.6.1Pluralism
• 3.6.2Managerialism
• 3.6.3Reformism
• 3.6.4Marxist political economy
• 3.6.5 Post-Marxian critiques and postmodern planning
• 3.7 Urban planning and urban development
• 3.8 Planners and developers
• 3.9 Entrepreneurialism in urban planning
• 3.10 Conclusions
• 4 The rejuvenation of downtown Minneapolis: urban planning as a creature of private-sector interests
• 4.1 Introduction
• 4.2 The context
• 4.3 Private sector initiatives
• 4.3.1 The Downtown Council and the reconstitution of urban planning
• 4.3.2 Nicollet Mall
• 4.3.3 The Skyway system
• 4.3.2 The IDS Center
• 4.4 Public intervention: a pro-active approach
• 4.5 The impact of policy: evidence of rejuvenation
• 4.6 Misgivings and re-apprail
• 4.7 Towards an alternative development strategy for greater community benefit
• 4.7.1 The Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan
• 4.7.2 The Minneapolis Downtown 2010 plan
• 4.7.3 The Minneapolis Neighborhood Revitalization Program (NRP)
• 4.8 The Target Project: planning reverting to type?
• 4.9 Conclusion
• 4.10 Notes
• Acknowledgments
• 5 Planning central Sydney
• 5.1 Introduction
• 5.2 Sydney’s evolving urban planning framework
• 5.2.1 The contemporary legislative framework
• 5.3 At the coalface: planning and city centre development to the 1970s
• 5.3.1 The development boom 1968–1974
• 5.3.2 Planning and the boom
• 5.4 New roles and new planning regimes: planning central Sydney since the 1980s
• 5.4.1 City centre development
• 5.5Evaluating central Sydney planning
• 5.6Conclusion
• 5.7 Notes
• 6 Dublin: property development and planning in an entrepreneurial city
• 6.1 Introduction
• 6.2 The planning context
• 6.2.1 Development plans
• 6.2.2 Development control
• 6.3 Limitations of traditional urban planning in Dublin
• 6.3.1 Constitutionality and constraint
• 6.3.2 Contextual isolation
• 6.3.3 The permissory basis of the system
• 6.3.4 Political pressure
• 6.3.5 Planning by prescriptive formulae
• 6.4 Developers and investors
• 6.5 Development activity
• 6.6 Urban planning and development
• 6.6.1 Development scale
• 6.6.2 Site assembly and dereliction
• 6.6.3 Plot density and displacement
• 6.6.4 Building protection
• 6.7 Towards interventionist approaches in planning
• 6.7.1 Designated areas
• 6.7.2 Docklands
• 6.7.3 Temple Bar
• 6.7.4 Enterprise areas
• 6.8 Development impact of the initiatives
• 6.8.1 Misgivings
• 6.8.2 The impact on planning
• 6.9 Development in the 1990s: new problems and Edge City
• 7 Remaking the city: property processes, planning and the local entrepreneurial state in Auckland
• 7.1 Introduction
• 7.2 The New Zealand planning context
• 7.3 Office development processes: agents of change1
• 7.4 The inner-city apartment market
• 7.5The entrepreneurial local state and the city of spectacle
• 7.5.1Sky City casino
• 7.5.2The Britomart development
• 7.5.3Viaduct Harbour
• 7.6Conclusions
• 7.7 Notes
• 8 Reshaping and reinventing the city of Birmingham, UK: planning for enterprise and the information society
• 8.1Introduction
• 8.2The national planning context
• 8.3The development context and the Birmingham Alliance
• 8.4The city of Birmingham — a city-region in transition
• 8.5Highbury and the city-centre strategy
• 8.6Westside story — Brindleyplace: 1983–2002
• 8.7Eastside story — Millennium point: 1997-
• 8.8Birmingham’s dilemmas
• 8.9Conclusion
• 9 Growth machines and growth pains: the contradictions of property development and landscape in Sioux Falls South Dakota
• 9.1 Introduction
• 9.2 Landscape, property and growth in Sioux Falls
• 9.2.1 Property and the growth machine
• 9.2.2 The growth machine in the urban landscape
• 9. 3Property, landscape and marginalization in downtown Sioux Falls
• 9. 4Conclusion
• 9.5 Notes
• Acknowledgements
• Bibliography
• Index